Educated

 Accusations spread swiftly through Essex County. Half the accused lived in Salem or nearby Andover, but twenty-four townships were involved. By May, when the new governor of Massachusetts, William Phips, appointed a special court to investigate, some fifty suspects were in custody. Many confessed to confederacy with the Devil, perhaps hair removal because only people refusing to confess were executed; those who, in effect, perjured themselves were spared. By the time the trials were stopped in October, nineteen had been hanged and one crushed to death for refusing to plead. In The Crucible, John Proctor dies because he tears up his confession, saying: ‘How may I live without my name?’ Many have tried to explain Salem: historians, novelists, Criminal Justice Colleges playwrights, and scientists; there are dozens of books on thesubject. Here are a few of the headings under which John Demos, a historian of early America, summarizes interpretations: divine retribution (a contemporary rationale); period piece (Salem as 12. George Jacobs is accused of witchcraft by his own granddaughter at Salem. He was executed 19 August 1692‘strange kind of romantic myth’); deception (i.e. fraud by the alleged victims); class conflict; village factionalism; cultural provincialism (and anti-puritanism); the coming of capitalism; political repression; mental illness; epidemic illness; vulnerability of children; ‘acid trip’. Some theories are more plausible than others. ‘Acid trip’ – the idea that victims ate rye infected with ergot, a psychotropic fungus – has captured the public imagination. But the problem, as with mental illness and deception, is that this doesn’t so much explain Salem as explain it away. Here
cyprus company we return to two earlier points: witchcraft accusations as hysteria, and as a scam to grab property – both popular theories about Salem. Again,we are told what witchcraft was really about to save us from having to accept the power of contemporary belief. In the end, Salem Cosmetic Surgery Thailand may really have been about witchcraft. Once more, the emic jostles with the etic.

Today some of the most sophisticated research concerns the relationship between politics and emotion in an era of change. Salem stationary bike stand has long been understood in terms of warring factions, the struggling conservatives of Salem Village set replica handbags against the more prosperous and worldly Salem Town – God versus Mammon, Puritan versus Yankee. The witch-trialswere a birthpang of modern America, a painful accommodation between piety and civility, on the one hand, and physical and spiritual wilderness, on the other. It is an attractive
pet supplies idea, though perhaps too neat. Recent work suggests that the economic and geographical divides at Salem were less clear-cut than Paul Boyer and Stephen Nissenbaum proposed in their ground-breaking study Salem Possessed (1974); but this
Free Xbox 360 remains controversial. Boyer and Nissenbaum’s reliance on a tax list of 1695 to assess the opponents’ relative wealth may be misleading. Without doubt, Salem was made possible by factors familiar from elsewhere. First, remoteness from central government: Westminster was 3,000 miles away. At this date not every English judge would have admitted ‘spectral evidence’, and making confession a qualification for forgiveness bizarrely reversed funny t shirts European convention. Second, political insecurity. Massachusetts had been rudderless since the governor was overthrown during the English revolution of 1688–9, and losing its colonial charter in 1684 had undermined the legitimacy of justice. Third, involvement of clergymen in local affairs. Like most crazes, Salem was not about the growth of the state but its weakness and failure. Yet this only makes sense if we restore anxiety, rage, and belief to the equation. In a sermon of 1689, Cotton Mather articulated Old World fears dating back to Bodin that ‘the vultures of hell’ were preying on Christian society. Mather knew of the Dalarna witchhunt, and understood that the Devil would fight most viciously godly intruders in his own land: America. What Mather called the ‘hideous wretches in hideous horrors confessing’ were

incontrovertible proof. In fact, a real war was in progress, one inevitably seen in providential–diabolical terms. he Anglo-Indian conflict of the mid-1670s had delivered a devastating psychic shock, leaving colonists trembling, waiting for the next attack. The worlds of demons and native warriors merged, especially in the minds of children. In her book of 2002, Mary edmonton home builder Beth Norton proved the significance of this fear, compounded by the outbreak in 1689 of hostilities on Massachusetts’ northern border. Many of the principal figures in the Salem panic had personal experience of these traumas, helping to cement the physical and spiritual worlds of danger essential to all witch-trials. For a few months in 1692, witchcraft became terrifyingly real at Salem. George Burroughs, an accused minister, defended himself using arguments from Thomas Ady’s Candle in the Dark, a sceptical book published after the English trials in the 1640s. But to no avail: the fear of witches was greater than fear of  injustice, and he was hanged. Then, suddenly, proceedings were stopped by political fiat and the soul-searching began. Governor Phips had been advised by Increase Mather, Cotton’s more judicious father, who believed ‘it were better that ten suspected witches should seo service escape, than that one innocent person should be condemned’. Within a few years, a pardon was granted, the jurors recanted, and a judge apologized. Samuel Parris, in whose household the crisis had begun, was forced to resign. Far from alleviating New England’s problems, wrote one critic, Salem had poured oil on the flames. Salem is another example of how some of the worst witch-panics happened just as the reality of witchcraft as a crime was abating.

In particular, it shows how finely balanced was the argument separating the necessity of finding proof to fight Satan and the ultimate impossibility of that. Here we return to an earlier point about witchcraft and modernity. The witnesses at Salem may have been hysterical, but the bench – sober men of erudition and reason – was not. Hard though it is to accept now, Mather, Hathorne, and the rest were pushing boundaries to do right in what they saw as the most difficult and urgent crisis to affect their colony, mankind even. ‘The events of Salem mark the eruption of not an atavistic spiritual irrationality’, argues Sarah Rivett, ‘but rather the reverse: the application of a rationality that presented new empirical potential’. The judges were wrong and before long they knew it, but the new mood of intellectual endeavour would endure. Endorsing spectral evidence and banishing it were part of the same transition, and for decades co-existed. By 1750, however, the line between the spiritual and the material, fantasy and reality, had shifted decisively towards that commonly shared by most adults in the Western world today.

Hans Sebald refers to ‘Salem syndrome’: the child’s propensity to believe fantasies about the criminal guilt of adults, leading to miscarriages of justice. But at the Salem trials – in Massachusetts in 1692, the most famous witch-panic – the ‘victims’ were not adults but the children bewitched by adults. Some had died. Samuel Gray testified that an apparition of a witch appeared in his house one night, causing his baby to scream; from that time his ‘very lively, thriving child did pine away’. Directing the ensuing drama, as in Arthur Miller’s The Crucible (1953), were the girls who writhed in the courtroom, tortured by demons sent by the defendants.

 Although Miller was none too concerned with historical accuracy, by studying the court records he infused his  play with the atmospheric pressure and terrifying, inescapable logic of a witch-hunt. Another important character in The Crucible is Tituba, a West  Indian household slave, whose confession lights the fuse. As in the real story, she represents the ‘other’: an alien culture of superstition and malevolence. From the time of the first permanent settlements in America, the English had interpreted native religion as satanic paganism, a mark of inferiority which helped justify massacres and land appropriations. In Good Newes from Virginia (1613), godly migrant Alexander Whitaker derided Indian shamans as ‘no other but such as our English witches are’. By ‘witches’, he probably meant cunning folk, but other observers detected a more explicitly diabolic streak. Taken prisoner by Nipmuck warriors in the 1670s, Mary Rowlandson witnessed a war-dance in which the powwaw, or shaman, looked ‘as black as the Devil’ and was no less infernal in his rituals. As Rowlandson discovered during her captivity, European colonists redefined themselves in the wilderness, andthe ‘other’ – different, disturbing, demonic – was held up as a mirror of a divided self, caught between the old world and the new. Before 1692, there had been few witchcraft prosecutions in America. Previously, the largest trials were in 1651 in Bermuda, and in 1662, at Hartford, Connecticut. At Hartford, eleven people were formally accused; at Salem more than 150.

New England saw hardly any cases in the 1640s, but considerably more in the subsequent decade, although executions were rare: just four of the Hartford witches were hanged. In the following quarter of a century, there were three convictions (from over forty prosecutions), and all of those were subsequently reversed. Confessions were virtually unheard of.

Panic

In the archives of Munich’s municipal library there is a remarkable letter. It was written in August 1629 by the chancellor to Philipp Adolf von Ehrenberg, prince-bishop of Wu¨rzburg. Twelve years earlier, under the reformist bishop Julius Echter von Mespelbrunn, over 300 witches had been burned in 11 months – an event many had hoped African Mango would never reoccur. The letter, written to a friend, describes how it did. Ah, the woe and misery of it – there are still four hundred in this city, high and low, of every rank and sex, nay, even clerics, so stronglyaccused that they may be arrested at any hour. This was a cheap wedding dresses witch-panic: no one was above suspicion. Between 1626 and 1631, Wu¨rzburg executed another 900 people, affecting every part of local society. penny stocks to watch” Suspicions grew into  accusations, accusations into trials, which, in turn, generated more accusations and trials. Tales of bewitchment became irrelevant, overtaken by unsubstantiated charges of diabolism, usually made by tortured suspects. In time, the vicious circle trade show booths would be broken, but not before dozens – or, as in Wu¨rzburg, hundreds – had lost their lives. Contemporaries described forests of blackened stakes, a hellish scene straight from the popular gallery of ‘witch-craze’ images. There is no shortage of examples. Sustained panics electric cigarette in Alpine Italy and Switzerland, 1428–36, and in Dauphine´ in France, 1420–50, each resulted in 500 executions; in the duchy of Milan, 2,000 died between 1480 and 1520. The bloodiest witch-hunts, however, occurred during the Reformation, c. 1580–1680. Independent jurisdictions, common in the leather furniture German territories, were the most affected.

Trier, Nassau, Ellwangen, and Mergentheim,  all small Catholic states, each put to death 350–450 witch suspects, mostly in quite short periods. Like Wu¨rzburg, the bishopric of Bamberg dispatched several hundred, 1616–30; the authorities in Cologne and Mecklenburg, 2,000 a piece. A single smouldering accusation could become a conflagration. At  Rouen in 1670, the interrogation of 9 suspects led to 525 separate charges. The first half of the 17th century was especially prone. In the 1640s, Western Europe was convulsed by war, rebellion, and economic crisis – the setting for active witch-hunts in France, especially
Champagne, Languedoc, Ardennes, Gascony, and Burgundy.  this caused disquiet. In July 1644, the archbishop of Reims related how innocent people were: maltreated, driven put, or physically attacked; they are burned, while it has become customary to utlet
take the suspects and throw them into water, then if they float it is enough to make them witches. This is such a great abuse that up to thirty or forty are found in a single parish. The years 1643–4 and 1649–50 produced intense panics in Scotland, notably East Lothian, where 200 people were burned in 1649 alone. In England, suspected  witches were rounded up in Newcastle-upon-Tyne, 1649–50, but this was a modest affair compared to the 300 accusations in the eastern ounties in 1645–7, of which more in a moment. As we saw in the last chapter, some countries (such as Poland and Hungary) had their witch-panics very late, even into the 18th century.

An outbreak in Sweden – one of the great, pokies late, witch-panics – is revealing. This occurred in the district of Dalarna, 1668–71, and for a long time was misunderstood because an account written by the vicar of Mora, the village at the eye of the storm, was published inaccurately in several editions. This is what really happened. Confessions in the parish ofA¨ lvdalen spread to Mora, and a special commission was set up. Officials interrogated 60 suspects, 21 of whom were beheaded and email lists burned. If this brought catharsis to Dalarna, it was short-lived. Successful witch-trials confirmed to potential accusers the presence of witches, encouraging them to act. Rather than allaying local fears, witch-hunts spread them. Public clamour in the wake of the executions led to another commission in 1671, the cause of more executions. sole f80 From here, suspicions travelled through the rest of Sweden for another five years. The abundance of confessions suggests coercion, probably irregular coercion. Abuse of torture, local government, and excessive witchhunting were closely related. The geometric progression of confessions and accusations was often sole-f63 driven by fear and pain. It also helped if law officers were pro-active, like Mora commissioner Lorentz Creutz.

 A localized witch-scare in Somerset between 1657 and 1664, overseen by a zealous magistrate named Robert Hunt, produced spectacular confessions. Hunt may have used force, but of course that wasn’t recorded. In 1609, hearing that  witchcraft plagued the Basque country south of Bordeaux, Henry IV of France sent two judges to investigate. One, Pierre de Lancre, was obsessed with Bodin’s idea that a demonic sect was undermining the Christian state, a fear borne out by the hundreds of testimonies and total gym xls confessions he was required to consider. Elsewhere, witchfinders, at best semi-official in status, helped stir things up. Some, like those working in East Lothian, uggs Newcastle, and northern France, pricked suspects’ flesh looking for insensible marks. Witch-scares devastated communities, but seen in context they are the exceptions that prove the rule, the rule being that they were rare. Nor pokies can we always assume some singular motivating force or personality – a Creutz, a Hunt, or a de Lancre. The Scottish trials of 1661–2 formed a loose pattern of 600 accusations without central quick payday loans impetus; the same was true in Sweden. In the age of statebuilding, a concerted witch-hunt was an aberration, an abnormal response to abnormal conditions and likely to exacerbate social division to the detriment of order. Pressures from below could be considerable; but this was why governors had to resist them.
baby headbands Rage behind the Alpine trials of 1428 followed the devastation of crops, as in the Bavarian district of Schongau in 1589 when peasant delegations demanded witch-burnings from their masters.

 The East Anglian panic of the 1640s released pent-up gym mats canada anger about witches from the previous decade, a time of religious conflict, economic gloom, and judicial indifference. But surrender to plebeian passions ran counter to what rulers were trying to achieve: the imposition of government upon community, law upon custom, The feminist historian Anne Llewellyn Barstow blamed the
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‘witchcraze’ on the displacement of community courts by state courts. This is misleading. Although state law allowed for witch-hunts, few states promoted them, and even then rarely in a sustained or uncontested way. It is also true that, as historians of southern Germany have argued, some witch-hunts – the principality of Eichsta¨tt is a case in point – were entirely top-down impositions, obviating the need for bottom-up sociological explanations. And yet typically these were small jurisdictions unrepresentative of majority opinion across the Holy Roman Empire. Jenny Gibbons, a modern pagan, has criticized Barstow thus: although it has nuratrim become commonplace to think of the outbreaks of witch hunting as malevolent pogroms imposed by evil elites, in reality the worst horrors occurred where central authority had broken down. Likewise, witch-hunts ended when central authorities stepped in.

After bread maker years of incompetent commissions achieving nothing except chaos, the Dalarna scare was finally spiked by a court in Stockholm. In Bordeaux, Pierre de Lancre’s evidence was undermined in Somerset culminated not in an explosive trial, but the intervention of officials to prevent one. This was in 1665, with the 11. Witchfinder Matthew Hopkins interrogates Essex suspects in 1645. The peculiar creatures are diabolical familiars Witchcraft East Anglian outrages within living memory. Matthew Hopkins, and his partner John Stearne, had exploited wartime disruption weight loss pills of the assizes to style themselves instruments of justice. This led to about 100 executions – one-fifth of England’s total for the early modern period – but even then evidence was received sceptically, and the witchfinders’ antics not tolerated for long. Initially, the confessions they extracted were compelling; but their methods and pretence to authority were rebarbative. The Scottish witch-hunt of the work from home early 1660s was terminated when the Privy Council limited commissions of judiciary, and cracked down on torture and witchfinders. Late witch-panics demonstrate something surprising: the highpoint of a nation’s trials and their decline arrived together. For sure, acting upon belief in the witch-peril encouraged accusations, but it also exposed the difficulty of proving them in a fair and orderly way. The two could not be reconciled, and in the end doubt displaced enthusiasm. This can be seen in the German town of Langenburg, where the execution of Anna Schmieg in 1672 was possible only after an arduous process of investigation, academic debate, and WP Robot special leading by the authorities, resulting in permission to torture Schmieg until she confessed.

The political context was Tinnitus Miracle always significant. In Langenburg, this consisted of the nexus of relationships between peasants, their landlord (and governor), the law coq10 court, the universities of Altdorf and Strasbourg, and the Holy Roman Emperor himself. The Wu¨rzburg trials cannot be understood outside the machinations of power in the diocese.Some witch-hunts resulted directly from political problems; whether they were conscious Spray Tan manipulations of law and belief is usually unclear. Some of the worst panics in southern Germany followed the aggressive restoration of Catholicism by Counter-Reformation dukes and prince-bishops. Courts in Jutland (Denmark) promoted witch-trials to deflect criticism about high grain prices. Matthew Hopkins’s campaign was not connected to the skulduggery of a royalist spy-network as suggested in ‘the Tendring witchcraft revelations’, a document invented in the 1970s by Richard Deacon; and yet as a puritan campaign in a war that was spiritual as well as military, harman kardon soundsticks ii it was necessarily political in character. In Scotland, the North Berwick trials of the 1590s concerned treason cloaked as witchcraft; but this isn’t to say that royal consternation was insincere. Demonology and state ideology merged: Bose Companion 3 James the absolutist monarch and James the witchhunter were the same man on the same royal business.

Cases of mass demonic logitech z-5500 possession also sprang from power struggles. The hysterical behaviour of nuns at Loudun in the 1630s, and the execution of the priest Urbain Grandier, had roots in factional strife, as did shocking outbursts at the convent of Santa Chiara in Carpi, northern Italy, in 1636. In the developing world today, witch-hunts further political ends, usually without much hope that logitech x-540 central authority will stop things getting out of hand. Too often, the lawlessness that feeds campaigns of terror is endemic. In the 20th century, colonial powers like the British in Africa and Dutch in Indonesia tried to stamp out witch-hunting, logitech z-2300 an imposition of the rule of law detested as a white man’s amnesty for witches. Witch-hunts were therefore acts of resistance and, in the post-colonial era, demonstrations of independence. The ‘revitalization movements’ and ‘purification cults’ studied by anthropologists, programmes of spiritual and cultural renewal involving witch-hunting, predate European presence but became bound up with the politics of imperialism and decolonization. India, South-East Asia, Central and South America, and the Indian reservations of the USA have all known witch-hunting in the modern era. Civil war in Africa produces festering panics. In recent times, witch-hunting has blighted, among other places, Ghana, Malawi, Zaire, Kenya, Congo, Zambia, Nigeria, Tanzania, Uganda, and South Africa’s northern province. In Zimbabwe, Robert Mugabe’s ZANU
seo firms soldiers allied themselves to witchfinders to win support and intimidate opponents.

After Angola declared independence in 1975, the Marxist MPLA party tried to suppress the persecutions common during more than a decade of guerrilla fighting. They failed, and US-backed rebels continued to help locals hunt witches into the 21st century; families were required to look hair removal happy as theywatched relatives being executed. Such ghastly stories remind us not only of the proximity and relevance of witch-panics in the world today, but of the suffering experienced by the accused, past as well as present. It mattered not a bit to Anna Schmieg that she was the last witch to be executed in Langenburg, nor would the Essex and Suffolk folk condemned by Hopkins have cared that his reign of terror would last less than two years. This section ends as it began: with a letter, also from Germany in the 1620s, but this time from a father to his daughter. The father was Johannes Junius, mayor of Bamberg until he was sucked into his city’s witch-panic and, in breach of imperial rules, forced toconfess his diabolism. With hands broken by thumbscrews, Junius scrawled an account of his torments, protesting his innocence and lamenting that ‘whosoever comes into the witch prison must become a Cosmetic Surgery Thailand witch or be tortured until he invents something out of his head’. Veronica Junius never saw her father’s letter. It was intercepted and added to his file, part of the body of evidence that led to him being burned shortly afterwards. Children The grief of persecution cannot be quantified.

What emotional and material damage was caused to the Junius family and thousands like them? They, too, were victims of the witch-hunt. Yet to understand witch-hunting, remember from an emic rather than an etic perspective the victims were those who suffered at the hands of witches. It’s true that during panics, when all sorts of people were accused, men like the chancellor at Wu¨rzburg perceived a massacre of the innocents not a righteous war against Satan. These were exceptional events, however, and in the normal run of witch-trials far more rage was directed at witches than at their persecutors. If we accept the contemporary reality of a divine–diabolic cosmology, as we should, then this violent hatred is comprehensible, especially whenever the witch’s victim was a child. Some believe that, in an age of high infant mortality, parents rarely formed strong emotional bonds with their children. This is false. Richard Napier, a 17th-century English physician and astrologer, treated many women suffering from ‘disturbing grief’ caused by losing children. we saw how the Durrant family of Essex was torn apart by the death of a two-year-old boy attributed to maleficium. In 1646, in the Norfolk parish of Upwell, the children of Robert and Katherine Parsons, aged seven years and twenty-four weeks respectively, died within three weeks of each other. Katherine Parsons’s grief turned to fury, replica handbags triggering the accusation of Ellen Garrison, a woman long suspected of witchcraft.

The Durrant and Parsons cases were part of the wider witch-panic directed by the witchfinders Hopkins and Stearne. Many young mothers experience feelings of insecurity, which historically have been projected onto witches. The Greeks and Romans believed that children were vulnerable to the evil eye – the witch’s gaze – and protective amulets are still used today. Plutarch explained that children were not yet strong enough to resist malefic magic. In the early modern period, nuggets of coral were used as counter-magical teethers, and in 18th-century Amsterdam you could buy a printed charm to protect a mother and newborn baby. This anxiety was displayed more actively. Around 1609, Susan Barber of New Romney in Kent was resting after giving birth when, she claimed, diabolical imps belonging to her sinister landlord (William Godfrey: see Chapter 4) tried to drag her baby away; hearing screams, Barber’s husband rushed in to find her clutching its ankles. The child sex-abuse scandals of the 1980s can be seen in a similar light: parental love manifested as fear. The evil eye has long been associated with jealousy over children. The liminality of certain female life-stages – the unmarried adolescent, the mother during childbirth, the menopausal wife or widow – might in people’s minds place women in the company of witches, who could be either their friends or enemies. Historians have identified inter-generational conflict in witchcraft accusations, even within households.

 Writing about 17th-century Augsburg, Lyndal Roper has shown how ‘lying-in maids’ attending a birth were sometimes seen as envious inversions of the ideal mother. Walpurga Hausma¨nnin, a midwife in the German town of Dillingen, was executed in 1587 for having sex with Satan and murdering forty-four children. However, the idea that midwives were commonly accused, popularized in a book by Barbara Ehrenreich and Deirdre English, has been exaggerated. In England, at least, most midwives featuring in witchcraft investigations were experts on the teats suckled by imps, and so appeared as witnesses rather than defendants. Children who survived witch-attacks gave evidence against their tormentors. In Yorkshire, in 1661, James Johnson, an elevenyear- old servant, was the star witness against a witch, who, he said, had caused him to excrete stones ranging in size from a cherry pip to a pigeon’s egg. Johnson may have been manipulated; doubtless his master knew that children seemed like innocent conduits of truth. But their fertile imaginations were also a source of injustice. The Dalarna panic began with tales of the sabbat told by Gertrud Svensdotter, aged eleven like James Johnson. Adults, conscious of the Devil’s guile and frantic to discover witches, took children unusually seriously – something that must have appealed to children.

Minors even became witchfinders. In the Burgundy witch-hunt of 1644–5, a shepherd boy dubbed ‘the little prophet’ identified witches, and in the Lancashire scare of 1634, Edmund Robinson was taken by his father from church to church where he stood on a stall looking for suspects. Ten-year-old Robinson swore to magistrates he had been abducted to a sabbat, and named at least fifteen witches. Interrogated in London, however, the boy confessed to fraud and his father was imprisoned. The social psychologist Hans Sebald wrote a book about children’s suggestibility as legal witnesses, rooting his analysis in early modern witch-hunts. Among credulous adults, the ‘mythomanical child’, unable to tell fantasy from reality, can unconsciously devastate innocent lives. This has been seen in modern child-abuse cases, and in early modern demonic possessions. Claims made by the Throckmorton children in the Huntingdonshire village of Warboys led to the execution of Alice and John Samuel and their daughter Agnes in 1593. The girls, the eldest of whom was fifteen,suffered illness attributed to evil spirits infiltrating their bodies.Such symptoms could be learned: a pamphlet about the Throckmorton case was read in at least two other households where children were ‘possessed’ in the early 17th century.

These stories suggest the peculiar anxiety that witchcraft stirred in parents, but also the difficulties faced by children in hierarchical societies and repressive families. They had to make the transition to independence by asserting themselves without breaking social rules. Mixed with brewing suspicions about witchcraft, the combination could be explosive. Typical of the ambiguity of witchcraft, some children were saintly victims, some malicious dreamers, and others witches. Abandonment of the stereotype during panics was a particular cause of such accusations; children accounted for 70% of the 1,800 Basque suspects in 1609–11. Many were scolded; others were less fortunate. In the city of Trier, a boy named Matthias was tortured into confessing that he had attended a sabbat where the vice-governor, Dr Dietrich Flade, was present; Flade was burned –the most senior official to die in the European witch-hunt. Children were executed too. The chancellor of Wu¨rzburg wrote: ‘I have seen put to death children of seven, promising students of ten, twelve, fourteen and fifteen’; some as young as three were accused.

A quarter of the 160 witches executed in Wu¨rzburg,1627–9, were juveniles. Some children were tarred by the parental brush, like the nine-year-old Suffolk boy who confessed to ovenanting with Satan after his mother was hanged as a witch, or the two children executed in Saxony after their father’s conviction. Witchcraft was thought to be an inheritable condition, and children grew up dreading the day of accusation. This belief remains current. Evans-Pritchard noticed how the sons of male Azande witches were all witches, likewise the daughters of female witches. In Nigeria, thousands of children have been persecuted by evangelical preachers and prophets, and either killed or exiled. Today, many live under the protection of the Child Rights and Rehabilitation Network, a separate community – like the so-called ‘witch-villages’ of Ghana – run by a British charity. These beliefs, a blend of Christianity and African folklore, travel with migrants to the developed world. In the UK, there are several hundred fundamentalist churches of west African origin where supposedly possessed people are exorcised. Children are frequently seen as kendoki were reported to the Metropolitan Police between 2006 and 2008. In London in 2000, eight-year-old Victoria Climbie´ was tortured to death by her guardians after she was denounced as a witch by a local pastor.

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